The current editors write that the magazine's large approach "is guided by the belief that nothing will enhance [U.S.] interests as effectively as the approach to foreign affairs commonly known as realism—a school of thought traditionally associated with such thinkers and statesmen as Disraeli, Bismarck, and Henry Kissinger. Though the shape of international politics has changed considerably in the past few decades, the magazine’s fundamental tenets have not. Instead, they have proven enduring and, indeed, appear to be enjoying something of a popular renaissance. Until recently, however, liberal hawks and neoconservatives have successfully attempted to stifle debate by arguing that prudence about the use of American power abroad was imprudent—by, in short, disparaging realism as a moribund doctrine that is wholly inimical to American idealism. This has been disastrous."
What follows is the prepared text of Paul's speech.
Immediately before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama wrote that we are at "the end of history."
The world, Fukuyama argued, had arrived at what he called the universal triumph of "Western liberal democracy as the final point of human government."



Almost 25 years later, we know Fukuyama was either wrong or, at the very least, a bit optimistic.
History has not ended.
Russia slides backward vainly hoping to resurrect the Soviet Union.
Vladimir Putin justifies aggression in Ukraine as defense against decadent and hypocritical Western powers.
In East Asia, Beijing extols the remarkable rise of China as the supremacy of a one-party state capitalism.
In the Middle East, secular dictatorships have been replaced by the rise of radical jihadist movements, who in their beliefs and barbarity -- represent the antithesis of liberal democracy.
These challenges are in part consequences of failing to define our national security interest in a new era.
Our allies and our enemies are unsure where America stands.
Until we develop the ability to distinguish, as George Kennan put it, between vital interests and more peripheral interests, we will continue to drift from crisis to crisis.
Today I want to share with you my views on how to address these threats and how I see America's role in the world.
I want to spell out for you what I believe to be the principles of a national security strategy of strength and action.
Americans want strength and leadership but that doesn't mean they see war as the only solution.
Reagan had it right when he spoke to potential adversaries: "Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will."