Ricardo Hausmann
Ricardo Hausmann, a former minister
of planning of Venezuela and former Chief Economist of the
Inter-American Development Bank, is Director of the Center for
International Development at Harvard University and a professor of
economics at the Harvard Kennedy School.
HANOI
– What does the Venezuelan domestic payments crisis have in common with
the death of the North American Free Trade Agreement, announced
by Wilbur Ross, US President-elect Donald Trump’s pick to be the next
US Secretary of Commerce? These two seemingly disparate events are
linked by the odd relationship with the truth that both Trump and the
Chavista regime seem to share.
All
governments lie. A few believe their own lies. But things get dangerous
when they act in order to be true to their lies. That is the trap into
which Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s government has fallen, and
it seems to be the logic behind the decision articulated by Ross to
withdraw from NAFTA.
Many observers have noted
similarities between Trump and Maduro’s predecessor, the late Hugo
Chávez, even though they represent opposite ends of the political
spectrum. But our brains are designed to identify patterns. Toddlers
learn the concept of a cat by being shown just a handful of exemplars.
Even adults classify things based on concepts that we cannot really
define. In 1964, US Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart stated his now famous criterion of obscenity: “I know it when I see it.”
That
certainly seems true of the connection between Chávez (who died in
2013) and Trump. Chávez, and then Maduro, adopted policies that put
Venezuela in a very weak position: lavish spending, expropriation, price
and foreign-exchange controls, and reckless borrowing abroad. Global
capital markets lost confidence in Venezuela in 2013, and the price of
oil plummeted in 2014, making these policies unsustainable and sending
the economy into a tailspin.
Confronting
a declining economy, Maduro decided to blame it all on an economic war
waged by the United States and its local cronies. The crucial point is
that this imaginary war ended up being the rationale for government
decisions. Every symptom of the crisis was transformed into the
consequence of an action taken by the enemy. Shortages were the result
of hoarding by speculators. Inflation was caused by price gouging by
unscrupulous businessmen. Currency depreciation was driven by a website
that reported on the exchange rate. People have been prosecuted and
imprisoned on the basis of these allegations.
In
managing the crisis, Maduro failed to authorize the issuance of
higher-denomination banknotes, which would constitute an acknowledgement
of the high inflation that the country has suffered. The
highest-denomination banknote, the 100-bolivar bill, which was worth
$46.5 when it was introduced in 2008, fell to just $0.03, requiring
mountains of bills to make small payments.
The
value of the stock of bills and coins held outside banks has fallen
from about $150 per capita in 2012 to less than $6 at the beginning of
this month. And the shortage of bills – caused in part by the difficulty
of supplying so much low-value currency – upset Venezuelans to the
point that the government finally took action.
According to Maduro, the problem was straightforward: bills were being siphoned out of the country
by mafias financed by the CIA. To destroy the mafias, Maduro canceled
these bills as legal tender and gave their holders only 72 hours to
exchange them at banks. To prevent the mafias from returning the money
from abroad in this period, the borders with Colombia and Brazil were
closed.
The
chaos that ensued is hard to describe. Just as Venezuelans were getting
ready for Christmas, they found out that they had no money to pay for
anything. Nobody would accept their 100-bolivar notes, and banks had no
bills to exchange for those being returned by the public. People without
bank accounts, mainly the poor, lost what little they had. The payment
system went into a tailspin, and the country fell into chaos.
Now consider NAFTA. Trump convinced many voters that NAFTA was the worst trade deal
the US ever signed. It was a deal negotiated by “really stupid people,”
he declared. Millions of jobs left the US for Mexico, causing Americans
to suffer. The lack of good manufacturing jobs was clearly a major
complaint during the election; but let’s check the facts before blaming
Mexico and NAFTA.
In
1993, the last year before NAFTA came into effect, Mexican
manufacturing value added was equivalent to just 7.7% of US
manufacturing. By 2014, it had grown to about 10% of the US level, a
gain representing about $50 billion. With average US productivity per
worker at about $150,000, if Mexico’s manufacturing gain is attributed
entirely to NAFTA, this represents about 333,000 US jobs, or less than
one out of every 400 jobs in the US.
In
the same period, value added in US manufacturing increased by $972
billion, more than 19 times as much as Mexico’s gain. Compared to US
manufacturing value added of $2.1 trillion, Mexico’s $50 billion is a
paltry sum. And the US may have derived other benefits from the deal,
such as more jobs, thanks to more exports to Mexico and more competitive
Mexican inputs.
In
the same 1993-2014 period, industrial employment as a share of total
employment fell by 8% in the US, 8.5% in Japan, and 9.8% in Germany, but
it barely moved in Mexico. Clearly, the industrial jobs that are
missing in the US have also gone missing in Japan and Germany, and those
jobs are not in Mexico.
Trump
may have convinced Rust Belt voters that “their” jobs are in Mexico.
But if he actually believes it, a lot of damage will be done before
people discover the truth. As a consequence of all the talk about
withdrawing from NAFTA, the Mexican peso has lost about 14% of its value
since the election results were announced. That depreciation is larger
than the likely tariffs the US would impose on Mexican goods if it left
NAFTA.
Lying
to get ahead is a human foible. But it becomes something much worse if,
like Chávez, Maduro, and Trump, you remain true to your word.
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